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No. 13 Texas Tech heads to Tempe, Ariz., on Tuesday night to face Arizona State riding momentum from its 78-75 upset victory at then-No. 1 Arizona on Saturday.

Texas Tech (19-6, 9-3 Big 12) has won three consecutive games after losing two straight to UCF and Kansas.

"I don't know if anyone is ever prepared for Big 12 play, but you'd better be prepared for a grind," Texas Tech coach Grant McCasland said. "It's going to be a fight. Our intent was how well can we fight every day, and our team is believing in that aspect.

"We don't have it all figured out. We're just scratching the surface."

Arizona State (13-12, 4-8) has not played since Feb. 10 when it beat Oklahoma State at home. The Sun Devils will attempt to win consecutive games for the first time since a three-game streak against Oklahoma, Northern Arizona and Santa Clara from Dec. 6-13.

Texas Tech post player JT Toppin is coming off a 31-point, 13-rebound performance in the win over Arizona.

The reigning Big 12 Player of the Year is in position to earn that award again. He is averaging 21.9 points and 11 rebounds per game.

Christian Anderson complements Toppin as the point guard. He had 19 points, eight assists and six rebounds against the Wildcats. He also made 6 of 15 shots from 3-point range.

"I love the fight of this team," McCasland said. "JT and Christian weren't going to let us lose. JT Toppin was not going to be denied at the end of this game.

"You don't come into (Arizona's) building and win unless you're fighting and competitive. I love being part of this team."

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Arizona State will counter Toppin and Anderson with 7-foot-2 freshman Massamba Diop and journeyman point guard Maurice Odum, who previously played for Pacific and Pepperdine.

Diop is averaging 13.9 points, 5.9 rebounds and 2.1 blocks per game. Odum is at 17 points and six assists per game.

Arizona State has struggled with rebounding this season, ranking last in the Big 12 with a minus-2.7 differential per game.

In the win over Oklahoma State, the Sun Devils finished with a 45-34 rebounding advantage, including a 19-10 edge on offensive rebounds. That contributed to a points-in-the-paint advantage of 38-26.

"It looks like we figured out how to rebound," Sun Devils coach Bobby Hurley said. "I thought the balance was really good. We set the tone early in the game with establishing our ability to get some rebounds.

"We missed some shots, but were able to get second-chance opportunities. It's probably the biggest differential we've had in second-chance points all season, so great job for the guys."

Arizona State would need a miracle late-season run to become an NCAA Tournament candidate.

Beating Texas Tech would enhance Arizona State's NET ranking, which stood at No. 71 through the weekend. The Red Raiders' NET ranking was No. 16. The Sun Devils also have opportunities against Kansas and Iowa State to conclude the season.

The Sun Devils are 2-9 against Quad 1 opponents with victories over Texas and Santa Clara.

--Field Level Media

DAYTONA BEACH, Fla. (AP) — Michael Jordaninherited the racing bugfrom his late father, who routinely packed everyone into the car and drove from North Carolina to a handful of tracks every year as attendingNASCARraces became Jordan family vacations.

Decades later, Jordan is now aDaytona 500winner.

He was an ecstatic team owner during the victory celebration, which he joined seconds before winnerTyler Reddickwas presented the trophy.

Reddick paused the party and was enveloped in Jordan's arms before the Basketball Hall of Famer gave high-fives to the No. 45 crew from 23XI Racing. A stream of well-wishers soon followed, including NASCAR chairman Jim France, who warmly congratulated Jordan with a smile and a handshake.

It was at least the second cordial public interaction the two have shared since December, when France and NASCARsettled the federal antitrust lawsuitthat 23XI and Front Row Motorsports had lodged. The lawsuit consumed the sport for more than two years and ended on the ninth day of trial, when NASCAR relented and settled before the top motorsports series in the United States suffered any more humiliation.

The settlement was a huge win for Jordan, who forever will be viewed as the team owner bold enough to stand up to NASCAR's dictatorship way of ruling the series. But that was already behind Jordan by the time he got to Daytona International Speedway, where he started Sunday by insisting the goal was to help grow NASCAR moving forward and focus on making 23XI a championship-contending race team.

"Both sides have been somewhat at a stalemate and we both needed to have conversations about change, how we can grow this sport," Jordan told Fox Sports before the green flag. "Unfortunately, we had to go through what we had to go through. But I think coming out of that, you have a much better appreciation for each other and I think it opens up conversations amongst each other to continue to grow the game."

Hours later, he was in victory lane celebrating as if he'd just won a seventh NBA championship. When France stopped by, it was clear all parties are moving forward.

Denny Hamlin, the three-time Daytona 500 winner who is partners with Jordan at 23XI, was the winning team owner representative in post-victory requirements and said there are no lingering bad feelings among the parties.

"I think December was a wake-up call. I think that the conversations since then have been a lot of self-reflection, in my opinion, from NASCAR. I think they would have done things differently had they had the opportunity to," Hamlin said. "But we knew that we needed to stick up for what we believed was right. We have to now figure out how we can get the sport back where it was decades ago.

"In order to do that, the only way we can do it is we're all going to have to pull the rope in the same direction. Even conversations that I've had with NASCAR executives as late as a couple days ago, sitting in a bus talking about what do we need to be five years from now, two years from now, 10 years from now. What does the sport need to look like?

"Those were all really good conversations, and they were very open to suggestions."

Jordan didn't become a NASCAR participant until 2021, when he partnered with Hamlin, a three-time Daytona 500 winner, to form 23XI. He attends races — sometimes he watches from pit road, other times a suite — and although others run the team, Jordan is involved and sounds committed to NASCAR.

The Reddick win was a win for NASCAR, Hamlin argued, because it got Jordan into the headlines.

"It's big for the sport. He's the most popular athlete in the world. I don't think there's any disputing that," Hamlin said. "He loves the sport, and certainly he goes to a lot of races. Sometimes you don't even see him and he's there. He makes more races than people know. He loves this race team."

AP auto racing:https://apnews.com/hub/auto-racing

Michigan is No. 1 inThe Associated Press men's college basketball pollfor the first time in 13 years, ending Arizona's nine-week reign.

UCLA Michigan Basketball

The Wolverines (24-1) claimed 60 of 61 first-place votes in Monday's poll to climb one spot and supplant the Wildcats, who were unbeaten entering last week before fallingat Kansasand at hometo Texas Tech.

"Not much," coach Dusty May said when asked by the APafter Saturday's rout of UCLAabout the significance of potentially topping the poll. "It means we haven't drank our own Kool-Aid. We've put ourselves in a position to be playing the types of games in mid-February that we want to be in, but we've got to continue to improve."

Michigan had been ranked No. 2 behind Arizona for six of Arizona's nine weeks at the top but was No. 1 in analytics rankings by KenPom, Evan Miyakawa and Bart Torvik last week.

Now the Wolverines have their first AP No. 1 ranking since January 2013.

Houston and Duke each moved up one spot to sit behind Michigan, with the second-ranked Cougars claiming the remaining first-place vote. The Wolverines and Blue Devils are set to meet this weekend in a marquee nonconference matchup in the nation's capital.

Arizona dropped three spots to No. 4. UConn was next at No. 5, followed by Iowa State, Purdue, Kansas, Nebraska and Illinois to round out the top 10.

Rising

The seventh-ranked Boilermakers jumped six spots for the week's biggest leap, coming afteran overtime win at Nebraskaand a winat Iowa. The preseason No. 1 has won four straight entering Tuesday's visit from Michigan.

No. 13 Texas Tech rose three spots after its home winagainst Coloradofollowed by the OT win at Arizona. As did No. 21 Louisville, withfreshman Mikel Brownstarring with anAtlantic Coast Conference freshman-record 45 pointsin a win against N.C. State and 29 more in a winagainst Baylor.

In all, 13 teams moved up from last week.

Sliding

No. 15 Michigan State and No. 16 North Carolina had the week's biggest tumbles of five spots. The Spartans lost at Wisconsin on Friday, while the Tar Heelslost at Miamiwhile also learning thatstar freshman Caleb Wilson is out indefinitelywith a fractured bone in his left hand.

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Seven ranked teams fell from last week's position.

Quick turnaround for Badgers

Wisconsin returned to the poll, going from receiving no votes last week to No. 24 after back-to-back wins against top-10 opponentsIllinoisandMichigan Statelast week.

Wisconsin previously had fallen out of the poll after a Nov. 21 loss to BYU as the Badgers struggled through a 7-4 start. Last week's wins, along with beingthe only team to take down Michigan, has the Badgers alongside the Red Raiders as the only teams with victories against three top-10 teams this year.

"Early in the year we were soft mentally and physically," coach Greg Gard said after the 92-71 win against the Spartans. "We had to mature, had to grow up collectively and individually. You're not going to be able to compete in these types of games in the upper echelon of this league if you're not physically and mentally tough. This group has responded."

Comings and goings

No. 25 Alabama joined Wisconsin as the week's new additions after the Crimson Tide pushed to a four-game winning streak.

They replaced Clemson (No. 20) and Kentucky (No. 25) in the poll.

Conference watch

The Big 12 and Big Ten dominated the top of the poll while tying with a national-best six ranked teams. Those two leagues combined to have eight spots in the top 10.

The ACC and Southeastern Conference were next with four ranked teams each. The Big East had two, while the West Coast Conference, Atlantic 10 and Mid-American Conference each had one.

AP Sports Writers Larry Lage in Michigan and Steve Megargee in Wisconsin contributed to this report.

Get poll alerts and updates on the AP Top 25 throughout the season. Sign uphereandhere(AP mobile app). AP college basketball:https://apnews.com/hub/ap-top-25-college-basketball-pollandhttps://apnews.com/hub/college-basketball

By Erica Stapleton and Andrew Hay

SANTA FE, Feb 16 (Reuters) - New Mexico lawmakers on Monday passed legislation to launch what they said was the first full investigation into what happened at Zorro Ranch, where the late U.S. sex offender Jeffrey Epstein is accused of trafficking and sexually assaulting girls and women.

A bipartisan committee will seek testimony from survivors of alleged sexual abuse at the ranch, located about 30 miles south of Santa Fe, ‌the state capital. Legislators are also urging local residents to testify.

Epstein died in what was ruled a suicide in a New York jail in 2019 while facing federal sex trafficking charges.

The so-called truth commission, comprising four lawmakers, seeks to ‌identify ranch guests and state officials who may have known what was going on at the 7,600-acre property, or taken part in alleged sexual abuse in its hacienda-style mansion and guest houses.

The Democratic-led investigation adds to political pressure to uncover Epstein's crimes that has become a major challenge for President Donald Trump, weeks after ​the Justice Department released millions of Epstein-related files that shed new light on activities at the ranch.

The files reveal ties between Epstein and two former Democratic governors and an attorney general of New Mexico.

The legislation, which passed New Mexico's House of Representatives by a unanimous vote, could pose risks to any additional politicians linked to Epstein in the Democratic-run state, as well as scientists, investors and other high-profile individuals who visited the ranch.

The $2.5 million investigation, which has subpoena power, aims to close gaps in New Mexico law that may have allowed Epstein to operate in the state. The committee starts work on Tuesday, and will deliver interim findings in July and a final report by year-end.

"He was basically doing anything he wanted in this state without any accountability whatsoever," said New Mexico state Representative Andrea Romero, a Democrat, who co-sponsored the initiative.

Testimony ‌to the committee could be used for future prosecutions, she said.

Victim advocates applauded the move, ⁠saying Zorro Ranch had been overlooked by federal investigations that focused on Epstein's Caribbean island and New York townhouse.

"Many of the survivors had experiences in New Mexico, and as we've learned, you know, there were local politicians and other people that were aware of what was happening in New Mexico," said attorney Sigrid McCawley, whose law firm has represented hundreds of Epstein survivors.

They include the late Virginia Giuffre, who ⁠was abused many times at the ranch, she said.

The U.S. Department of Justice passed a request for comment to the FBI. The FBI declined comment.

EPSTEIN OPERATED AT THE RANCH FOR DECADES

Several civil suits accuse Epstein of sexually assaulting girls at Zorro Ranch. He was never charged for the alleged offenses.

Romero said there was no record of federal law enforcement searching what was known locally as "the playboy ranch" where Epstein is accused of sexually abusing a 16-year-old girl as early as 1996.

Former New Mexico Attorney General Hector Balderas launched a probe in 2019 that was put on hold at the ​request ​of federal prosecutors to avoid "parallel investigation," he said in a statement.

New Mexico Attorney General Raul Torrez has assigned a special agent to probe allegations that ​may come through the truth commission, spokesperson Lauren Rodriguez said.

Democratic State Representative Marianna Anaya, an advocate for ‌sexual assault survivors who co-sponsored the legislation, is working on accompanying legislation to extend New Mexico's statute of limitations for childhood sexual assault that would allow civil actions by survivors of Epstein's alleged abuse.

Epstein bought the ranch in 1993 from Bruce King, a three-time New Mexico Democratic governor who died in 2009.

The financier flew in guests and "masseuses," and hired local massage therapists to work there, ranch manager Brice Gordon told the FBI in 2007, according to a report in the Epstein files.

In an unsealed 2016 court deposition, Giuffre testified Epstein's partner Ghislaine Maxwell told her to give the late former New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson a "massage" at the ranch. In Giuffre's memoir, she said an instruction from Maxwell to provide a "massage" meant a victim should provide a sexual encounter to an abuser.

Richardson's representative Madeleine Mahoney in a 2019 statement said Giuffre's allegations were "completely false."

Gordon told the FBI that most of the masseuses Epstein used at the ranch were hired locally through the spa Ten Thousand Waves, a Santa Fe institution, or by referrals.

Spa spokesperson Sara Bean said in a ‌phone interview last Tuesday that Ten Thousand Waves neither provided nor referred masseuses to Zorro Ranch.

In the documentary "Surviving Jeffrey Epstein," former Santa Fe massage therapist ​Rachel Benavidez accused Epstein of sexual abuse when she was hired to work at the ranch.

Investment consultant Joshua Ramo said on Sunday he visited the ranch ​once for a 2014 lunch on behalf of professors from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University, who were ​present. Ramo, at the time CEO of consulting firm Kissinger Associates, said he and Epstein met with business figures and scientists around 14 times in New York between 2013 and 2016.

"I deferred to the due diligence ‌of the institutions involved, assuming that his presence signaled he had been appropriately vetted," Ramo, in ​a statement, said of his ranch visit and other meetings with ​Epstein. "I feel a deep sense of grief for the survivors of his crimes."

Emails show Epstein contacted Ramo in 2015 to tell him he was going to Ten Thousand Waves, suggesting they meet for lunch in Santa Fe. Ramo responded, "I assumed we were meeting at the pink bottom ranch." Ramo, who is currently CEO of consulting firm Sornay LLC, said he had no recollection of that comment, or whether the two met that day.

Over the years, Epstein contributed to the political campaigns ​of New Mexico Democrats such as Richardson and King's son Gary King, a former New Mexico ‌attorney general. When contributions were reported in the press, the men pledged to either return the money, or give it to charity.

Gary King flew on a plane chartered by Epstein when he was running for New Mexico ​governor in 2014, according to emails in the Epstein files. Epstein said he would cover around half the cost of the $22,000 charter and King would pay the rest. King did not respond to a request for comment.

(Reporting ​by Erica Stapleton in New Mexico and Florida, reporting by Andrew Hay in New Mexico; editing by Donna Bryson and Diane Craft)

In 1947, African American brothers James and Robert Paschal launched a scrappy luncheonette in Atlanta'sCastleberry Hill neighborhood, their fried chicken earning renown as the house's go-to specialty. Within 15 years, Paschal's Restaurant & Coffee Shop had become not just a beloved community eatery but a supporting player in the civil rights movement.

In the years before passage of the1964 Civil Rights Act, the soul food restaurant offered more than nourishment: Not far from the offices of Martin Luther King Jr.'sSouthern Christian Leadership Conference, Paschal's was a hub for civil rights luminaries such as King, John Lewis and Julian Bond as well as a refuge for Atlanta parents waiting to reunite with students arrested for conducting lunch counter sit-ins.

As the civil rights movement gathered momentum in the 1950s and early 1960s,Paschal'sand other Black-owned restaurants played crucial roles throughout the South, offering affirmation, security and even financial support, with food as the common thread.  As with Black churches and Black-owned salons and barbershops, they provided gathering space free from the scrutiny and disrespect community members often faced elsewhere.

"These restaurants lent themselves to the movement because they had the autonomy to decide for themselves what happened under the roof of their place," said Bobby J. Smith, an associate professor of African American studies at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign. "They were able to welcome all people, particularly those who did not have the opportunity to be part of other restaurant spaces."

As dining establishments, he said, they provided cover for revolutionary activity.

"On the outside it looked like people were just going in to gather around gumbo or pork chops," said Smith, author of "Food Power Politics: The Food Story of the Mississippi Civil Rights Movement." "But inside, they were planning one of themost important social movementsin American history. It's a covert network of public spaces hidden in plain sight."

That's why such restaurants were important from a strategic standpoint, said Marcia Chatelain, a professor of Africana studies at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia and author of "Franchise: The Golden Arches in Black America."

"During the era of segregation, there were few places where African Americans could dine without fear they would be treated poorly or harmed by other patrons," she said.

It wasn't only restaurants: People like Montgomery's Georgia Gilmore also embraced food as a weapon in thewar against discrimination. A cook who lost her job at a White-run restaurant after testifying in support of the 1956 Montgomery bus boycott, Gilmore started acatering businessthat helped feed and raise funds on the sly for civil rights activists in Alabama.

"She used food as a way to support the movement," Smith said.

Meanwhile, across town, the constant lines of people waiting for barbecued ribs and chicken atBrenda's Bar-Be-Que Pithelped the Montgomery take-out stand likewise lend financial support to ongoing activism.

"Brenda's was very dynamic, very involved in the movement," said Georgette Norman, the retired former director of Montgomery'sRosa ParksMuseum at Troy University. "Food was one of the ways that money was raised. Everybody has to eat. These days, people say, send me a check. But back then people cooked, and people bought, and people ate. Brenda's was part of that."

Robert and James Paschal passed away in 1997 and 2008, respectively, but their descendants continue to operate the restaurant, which reopened in a more modern Castleberry Hill neighborhood location in 2022. Its walls continue to exude history in the form of mounted photos of King and others who were once regular patrons.

Paschal's and Brenda's are some of the few establishments central to the civil rights movement that have stood the test of time. Here are some others that continue to operate today.

Dooky Chase's, New Orleans

The first time Raphael Cassimere Jr. tried going to Dooky Chase's he waited two hours in line and never got in. That was in 1959, and Cassimere was a fresh high school graduate in New Orleans;Dooky Chase's, in the city's Treme' neighborhood, was one of the few fine dining spots where Black people were welcome.

"There was another high school graduation the same night," he said.

Cassimere, who retired in 2007 after 37 years as a professor of history at the University of New Orleans, recalled finally entering the famed restaurant a year later as a member of the city's youth council, accompanying a lunch group that included a high-ranking NAACP official.

Dooky Chase's etouffee, stuffed shrimp and jambalaya drew steady crowds that eventually included civil rights advocates like Thurgood Marshall, A.P. Tureaud andErnest "Dutch" Morial. In the 1960s, King convened with Freedom Riders in the private dining room upstairs to plan and strategize as the movement heated up.

Cassimere was among the young activists who attended meetings there.

"(Chef) Leah (Chase) would serve us herself," he said. "There were not many places where Black and white activists could meet together."

In 1941, jazz trumpeter Edgar "Dooky" Chase Jr. had taken over the late-night po'boy sandwich stand opened by his father, and before long his wife Leah began introducing Creole dishes to the menu. As the couple transformed the place into a sit-down restaurant with linen tablecloths, Leah Chase took over as chef in 1952, eventually earning acclaim as "The Queen of Creole Cuisine."

Acclaimed Black music artists like Duke Ellington, Sarah Vaughn and Cab Calloway stopped at Dooky Chase's post-performance, unable to patronize other establishments.

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"Dooky Chase's was a fine dining restaurant, one of the first Black-owned restaurants of its kind in the nation," said Smith, of the University of Illinois. "Leah Chase had worked in those kinds of places in New Orleans and she wanted to give Black people a space to experience a different level of dining rooted in their cultural foodways. She wanted them to know they mattered."

For civil rights activists, that upper room became a place to be fed and reenergized, "a space where people could meet and organize, or just catch their breath," Smith said. "It became thisSituation Room, if you will, a space where they could talk over food about what to do to change the trajectory of the nation."

Four Way Grill, Memphis

In summer 2022, California chef Geoff Davis enjoyed a transformative lunch at what's now called simply the Four Way as he and his mother traveled through Tennessee, visiting friends and civil rights landmarks in Nashville and Memphis.

At the time, Davis was preparing to open Burdell, the reimagined soul food restaurant he owns in Oakland, California, and he wanted to see what other restaurants were doing.

TheFour Way, a modest stone structure minutes from the Stax Museum of American Soul Music in Memphis'SoulsvilleDistrict, was on his list. Having been underwhelmed by most places he'd visited, his expectations were low – but this experience took him by surprise.

"It's pretty powerful being in there given the sense of history that place has," Davis said. "The food was phenomenal — really vibrant and delicious and comforting."

Irene and Clint Cleaves opened what was then theFour Way Grillin 1946, a Southern food sanctuary with an integrated clientele and a back door through which Stax musicians sometimes entered to avoid attention. During the civil rights movement, activist leaders such as King, theRev. Jesse Jacksonand theRev. Al Sharptontalked strategy over meals of fried chicken and greens.

Davis said he and his mother actually became emotional as they enjoyed their lunch from Four Way — fried chicken, stewed neckbones, lima beans, macaroni and cheese, cornbread and other items that unlocked vaults of memories.

"Some of the dishes tasted like the ones we grew up eating at home or at the homes of family members who have since passed away," he said. "So it was nourishing in that way too."

The experience, Davis said, informed his menu atBurdell.

"The simplicity of it really stuck with me," he said. "We're slightly fancier, but some of the dishes there were how I remembered them as a kid. Going to Four Way really gave me the confidence to say, we're going to do smothered cabbage and do it straight up. It doesn't need garnishes; it just needs to be the best cabbage we can find. Having that homestyle element is really special."

Big Apple Inn, Jackson

In the 1950s and early 1960s,Farish Streetwas the heart of the Black community in Jackson, Mississippi, a thriving hub of entertainment and economic activity that defied the oppressive weight of segregation.

"It was one of the only places where Black people could go out and be social," said Smith, of the University of Illinois. "In New Orleans there's a level of racism that people know and see, but in Mississippi you can feel it as well."

It was on Farish Street that Mexico City native Juan "Big John" Mora, who ended up in Jackson after train-hopping through the U.S. seeking work, had set up a tamale stand that would lead to a brick-and-mortar restaurant called theBig Apple Innin 1939.

By 1952, the Big Apple Inn had moved across the street into a two-story building, with Mora's tamales sharing the spotlight with smoked sausage and pig ear sandwiches. Civil rights activistMedgar Evers, who had a second-floor office, began conducting meetings in the downstairs eatery.

That the Big Apple was owned by Mora and his wife, who was Black, provided a level of protection that activists found in rare supply.

"A lot of these independent business owners weren't necessarily immune from economic reprisal, but usually families who owned restaurants were in a better financial space to take more political risks," said Chatelain, of the University of Pennsylvania. "They could be movement-friendly because they were the bosses of their own businesses."

The Big Apple is now run by Geno Lee, Mora's great-grandson, and its menu remains very much the same as it was, with regulars stopping in for "smokes" and "ears" and tamales made according to Mora's own recipe, though now with turkey instead of beef.

Davis, the Oakland chef, said restaurant owners who hosted or enabled civil rights activity "were very brave to have their spaces be hubs for that. There's a bit of revolutionary spirit in entrepreneurship, and that's doubling down on being willing to take a risk."

Since everyone needs to eat, he said, such restaurants helped nurture the soul.

"Restaurants are gathering places," Davis said. "Everyone's full and happy, and when you're talking about difficult things it's good to have some comfort to go alongside that."

USA TODAY Network reporter Todd A. Price contributed to this story.

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY:Black-owned restaurants played vital role in civil rights movement

A Mardi Gras social group says it is investigating an incident on a float during its Feb. 14 parade in which a Black doll appeared to hang by the neck from a necklace of beads.

Photos and videos of the doll being held over the side of the float using beads, necklaces commonly tossed to parade revelers at Mardi Gras, began circulating after it was spotted during aKrewe of Tucksorganizationparade in New Orleans, Louisiana.

Videos appear to show the doll hanging by its neck from a strand of beads as it's held alongside other necklaces waiting to be tossed into the crowd of paradegoers. A young girl caught the doll attached to the beads at the parade,according to a postby the City of New Orleans.

The Krewe of Tucks organization condemned the action following the parade, writing in astatement posted on social mediathat the "behavior is intolerable and completely contrary to the beliefs and values that the Krewe of Tucks holds."

"We intend to fully investigate this incident and the responsible riders will no longer be permitted to have any association with the parade," the statement read. "The leadership wishes this had been brought to our attention during the parade because it would have been addressed immediately. This was brought to our attention through social media and we are immediately investigating."

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